New Jersey has been hit by a series of political upheavals. The state, known for its history of government corruption, remains one of the last strongholds of political machines in America. George Norcross, an insurance broker and former chair of the Camden County Democratic Party, epitomizes this machine control. For nearly three decades, he has wielded significant influence over New Jersey politics and policy.
Last week, the state's attorney general announced a 13-count indictment against Norcross, his brother Phil, and four colleagues. The indictment alleges that for more than a decade, they engaged in coercion, extortion, and other criminal activities to acquire property on the Camden waterfront and secure millions in government-issued tax credits. Camden is among the nation's poorest cities but its waterfront lies across from Philadelphia's bustling downtown.
The indictments follow a federal judge's recent decision to strike down New Jersey’s unique “county line” primary ballot system for the June Democratic primary. This system had been a crucial tool for political machines to maintain power. Additionally, Sen. Bob Menendez (D) was indicted federally for allegedly using his official position in a long-term bribery scheme earlier this year. Menendez rose through the ranks of the Hudson County Democratic Organization, another powerful political machine in New Jersey.
Political bosses in New Jersey have historically amassed power by controlling elected officials at various levels through campaign donations and favorable placement on county line ballots. Many officials also hold jobs that make them dependent on these machines.
George Norcross's influence stems from his control over numerous state legislators. As North Jersey political boss Joe DiVincenzo explained in 2014: "I have two [state] senators. He has seven senators, and he has about twelve assembly people."
Norcross reached his peak during Steve Sweeney's tenure as State Senate president and Chris Christie's governorship—a result of a power-sharing arrangement before Christie’s election. In September 2009, Norcross met with Sweeney, DiVincenzo, two state senators, and the head of the state’s Democratic party to divide control over state affairs.
One significant aspect of Norcross's influence is his control over Camden city governance despite its majority non-white population's wishes. He played key roles in both the 2002 state takeover of Camden and its public schools' takeover in 2013—the only school district still under state control today.
Camden was central to last week's tax credit scheme indictments; $1.6 billion out of nearly $7 billion in state tax credits were allocated to Camden alone—with Norcross and allies receiving $1.1 billion including $86 million for his insurance firm.
Despite never holding office himself—Norcross was often regarded as "New Jersey’s second most powerful political leader" after only the governor according to various rankings.
New Jersey’s culture of political bosses dates back over a century surviving early 20th-century reforms aimed at good governance practices while current developments seem promising; whether these changes will dismantle entrenched powers or not remains uncertain leaving future outcomes unpredictable regarding true democratic processes within New Jersey politics.
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